First of all, civil disobedience implies in its very name that it’s about not obeying something. “Civil” is defined by some dictionaries as “having to do with people and government, as opposed to the military or religion”. So well, so far — but fixing “civil disobedience” as “not obeying the government” begs the question of why should one obey “the government” in first place.
When you invoke the phrase “civil disobedience”, the matter of the source of a government’s power is immediately dragged into debate. The classical political scientists have explained it in the form of a founding myth, which makes government power particularly easy to deconstruct, but modern political philosophers like Bob Nozick have taken the hobbesian/lockeian approach to its logical limits, thus exposing the naked structure of a founding myth argument. A founding myth argument, it appears clearly, is about reasoning about a world without government and its undesirable characteristics, thus demonstrating the need for government by a reduction to absurdity.
The “social need” for a government can be taken at face value, flat out refused (as anarchists will) or further analyzed. We were previously discussing the act of disobeying a government, which is an interaction between two singular entities — the disobeying person and the government. But somehow, by accounting the existence of government as a social need, the concept of “society” sneaks in. Now, we’re not even discussing whether governmental power derives from “the people” — we’ve just said that “society” is worse off in the lack of such a power.
Herein lies one grave problem about the idea of “social needs” and therefore government. Common language sneaks in “society” as a singular entity with whom governments and individuals relate. The rub is that “society” cannot have volition in the same sense individuals do — not only because of the deep heterogeneity present in most modern societies, but because of cold (even if nontrivial) logic: the simple input to volition that is an ordering on possible choices can’t have simple trivial properties expected from an ordering preserved when individual orderings are aggregated into a virtual societal will — unless the will of one single individual, a dictator, is the only one taken into account.
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